Monday, 30 June 2014
A decline in maternal Deaths has been largely recorded by 45%
#BETAwards: The full list of winners at the BET 2014 Awards
The BET Awards which was hosted by Chris Rock was held yesterday at the Nokia Theater in Los Angeles California at 8 pm (ET). The Black Entertainment Television Awards was fun filled with a whole lot events which would be aired on BET International network on Tuesday by 8pm (GMT), but before then we have decided to give you a list of those who went into battle for the prestigious awards and those who came out victorious….. And the winners are
Best International Act: Africa
Davido (Nigeria) (WINNER)
Diamond Platnumz (Tanzania)
Mafikizolo (South Africa)
Sarkodie (Ghana)
Tiwa Savage (Nigeria)
Toofan (Togo)
Best Male R&B/Pop Artist
Pharrell Williams (WINNER)
August Alsina
Chris Brown
John Legend
Justin Timberlake
Best Female R&B/Pop Artist
Beyoncé (WINNER)
Janelle Monáe
Jhené Aiko
K. Michelle
Rihanna
Tamar Braxton
Best Collaboration
Beyoncé f/ JAY Z – “Drunk In Love” (WINNER)
August Alsina f/ Trinidad Jame$ – “I Luv This”
Drake f/ Majid Jordan – “Hold On (We’re Going Home)”
JAY Z f/ Justin Timberlake – “Holy Grail”
Robin Thicke f/ T.I. & Pharrell Williams – “Blurred Lines”
YG f/ Jeezy & Rich Homie Quan – “My Hitta”
Best Movie
12 Years a Slave (WINNER)
The Best Man Holiday
Fruitvale Station
Kevin Hart: Let Me Explain
Lee Daniels’ The Butler
12 Years a Slave (WINNER)
The Best Man Holiday
Fruitvale Station
Kevin Hart: Let Me Explain
Lee Daniels’ The Butler
Best Actress
Lupita Nyong’o (WINNER)
Angela Bassett
Gabrielle Union
Kerry Washington
Oprah Winfrey
Lupita Nyong’o (WINNER)
Angela Bassett
Gabrielle Union
Kerry Washington
Oprah Winfrey
Best Actor
Chiwetel Ejiofor (WINNER)
Forest Whitaker
Idris Elba
Kevin Hart
Michael B. Jordan
Chiwetel Ejiofor (WINNER)
Forest Whitaker
Idris Elba
Kevin Hart
Michael B. Jordan
Video of the Year
Pharrell Williams – “Happy” (WINNER)
Beyoncé – “Partition”
Beyoncé f/ JAY Z – “Drunk In Love”
Chris Brown – “Fine China”
Drake – “Worst Behavior”
Pharrell Williams – “Happy” (WINNER)
Beyoncé – “Partition”
Beyoncé f/ JAY Z – “Drunk In Love”
Chris Brown – “Fine China”
Drake – “Worst Behavior”
Best Male Hip Hop Artist
Drake (WINNER)
Future
J. Cole
JAY Z
Kendrick Lamar
Drake (WINNER)
Future
J. Cole
JAY Z
Kendrick Lamar
Best Female Hip Hop Artist
Nicki Minaj (WINNER)
Angel Haze
Charli Baltimore
Eve
Iggy Azalea
Nicki Minaj (WINNER)
Angel Haze
Charli Baltimore
Eve
Iggy Azalea
Best Group
Young Money (WINNER)
A$AP Mob
Daft Punk
Macklemore & Ryan Lewis
TGT
Young Money (WINNER)
A$AP Mob
Daft Punk
Macklemore & Ryan Lewis
TGT
Subway Sportsman of the Year
Kevin Durant (WINNER)
Floyd Mayweather Jr.
Carmelo Anthony
Blake Griffin
LeBron James
Kevin Durant (WINNER)
Floyd Mayweather Jr.
Carmelo Anthony
Blake Griffin
LeBron James
Subway Sportswoman of the Year
Serena Williams (WINNER)
Brittney Griner
Lolo Jones
Skylar Diggins
Venus Williams
Serena Williams (WINNER)
Brittney Griner
Lolo Jones
Skylar Diggins
Venus Williams
Best Gospel Artist
Tamela Mann (WINNER)
Donnie McClurkin
Erica Campbell
Hezekiah Walker
Tye Tribbett
Tamela Mann (WINNER)
Donnie McClurkin
Erica Campbell
Hezekiah Walker
Tye Tribbett
Best New Artist
August Alsina (WINNER)
Ariana Grande
Mack Wilds
Rich Homie Quan
ScHoolboy Q
August Alsina (WINNER)
Ariana Grande
Mack Wilds
Rich Homie Quan
ScHoolboy Q
YoungStars Award
KeKe Palmer (WINNER)
Gabrielle Douglas
Jacob Latimore
Jaden Smith
Zendaya
KeKe Palmer (WINNER)
Gabrielle Douglas
Jacob Latimore
Jaden Smith
Zendaya
Centric Award
Jhené Aiko – “The Worst” (WINNER)
Aloe Blacc – “The Man”
Jennifer Hudson f/ T.I. – “I Can’t Describe (The Way I Feel)”
LiV Warfield – “Why Do You Lie?”
Wale f/ Sam Dew – “LoveHate Thing”
Jhené Aiko – “The Worst” (WINNER)
Aloe Blacc – “The Man”
Jennifer Hudson f/ T.I. – “I Can’t Describe (The Way I Feel)”
LiV Warfield – “Why Do You Lie?”
Wale f/ Sam Dew – “LoveHate Thing”
Best International Act: UK
Krept & Konan (WINNER)
Dizzee Rascal
Ghetts
Laura Mvula
Rita Ora
Tinie Tempah
Krept & Konan (WINNER)
Dizzee Rascal
Ghetts
Laura Mvula
Rita Ora
Tinie Tempah
Video Director of the Year
Hype Williams (WINNER)
Benny Boom
Chris Brown
Colin Tilley
Director X
Hype Williams (WINNER)
Benny Boom
Chris Brown
Colin Tilley
Director X
#BETAWARDS2014! Davido beats Tiwa Savage, Mafikizolo and others to win Best African act
To crown what has been an amazing year for the Áye crooner, Davido just clinched the awards for Best African Act at the ongoing BET Awards. He beat some of Africa’s biggest music acts to it including Tiwa Savage, Diamond Platnumz, Sarkodie and Mafikizolo to the award
The elated star shared the image of his award with his instagram followers using the caption: Thanks to all my fans!! WE WON @BETAwards BEST AFRICAN ACT 2014. So Happy!! Time to Party!!
Happy hit maker Pharell also came by to congratulate Africa’s biggest act of the moment. According to Davido, Pharrell asked him, you must be HAPPY! Well, who wouldn’t be?
Lupita Nyong'o Glows in Her First Lancôme Paris Ad
When the announcement was made in April that the 12 Years a Slave star would be the new ambassador of Lancôme, we couldn't wait to see her glowing face gracing their beauty campaigns. The Academy Award-winning actress not only shines in her fashion choices, but her makeup is always perfection.
"I am truly honored to join the Maison Lancôme, a brand with such a prestigious history that I have always loved. I am particularly proud to represent its unique vision for women and the idea that beauty should not be dictated, but should instead be an expression of a woman's freedom to be herself," Nyong'o said.
Get ready for the BET Experience, featuring Mary J. Blige, Maxwell, Jill Scott, A$AP Rocky, Rick Ross and many more. Click here for more details and info on how to purchase tickets.
BET.com always gives you the latest fashion and beauty trends, tips and news. We are committed to bringing you the best of Black lifestyle and celebrity culture.
Thursday, 26 June 2014
Earlier today, Libyans went to the polls to elect 200 members of parliament.
It can be difficult to be optimistic about Libya's political future given its recent history. The country endured a decades-long dictatorship under Muammar Gaddafi — who was deposed and killed in 2011 — only to have its emerging political structure rattled by abductions, assassinations and deadly infighting.
But the country's High National Election Commission is hopeful. It worked with US-based social impact firm Reboot, which helped develop a mobile and online platform for Libyans to register for elections.
GlobalPost talked to Panthea Lee, co-founder and principal at Reboot, about how her team and other partners are working to ensure that Libyan voters at home and abroad have a voice in their country's democratic transition.
What was Reboot's role in Libya's voter registration process?
We're a social impact firm that works on development and governance projects around the world, and a lot of our work is helping populations that are often marginalized in the political process and in the development process express their views and bring their voices into policy conversations.
We had experience working with a lot of governments and civil society actors in sometimes sensitive and challenging post-conflict settings, and so we were brought in to guide the design and development process using user-centric design approach.
So the platform, we pulled together the team and built it entirely using open-source software tools — so that was essentially our role, and we supported the implementation of it.
So how does the platform work?
The system both enables in-country and out-of-country voter registration by SMS as well as online through a suite of 11 custom-built applications. The system enables Libyans to register to vote via SMS and out-of-country voters to register via the web.
And then it also allows [Election] Commission staff to manage registration and report on field activity.
And how many people have registered for the elections using this system?
The total number of registered voters is 1,509,317, and that includes Libyan citizens across 13 countries.
What were the main challenges that you and your team encountered in creating and implementing the platform?
I think that working in a challenging context certainly isn't new to Reboot. We've worked on projects in the Niger Delta, post-revolution Tunisia, the tribal regions of Pakistan. Libya, in the current period, was arguably one of the most challenging.
The period we were there coincided with one the country's most violent periods since its revolution; a period marked by frequent political assassinations, regular kidnappings and ongoing clashes between militias and security forces.
Beyond the very real security concerns — and obviously we tried to keep a low profile and a small footprint — in the country, the operational challenges of managing a complex, national-scale technology project on site with unreliable electricity and unreliable Internet connectivity was certainly challenging.
What would you say is the role of mobile technology in shaping the democratic process?
In a lot of North African countries, there's been this narrative around mobile technologies fueling or enabling protests, enabling revolutions and transitions to these newly democratic states.
I think a lot of that is true but I think that mobile's also got a huge potential in supporting the democratic process and supporting the nation-building process. Ultimately, technology is just that. It's a tool.
Technology is able to amplify human intent. It doesn't do anything on its own. As we're seeing in this period, where countries are wrestling with how to enable a peaceful transition, enable inclusivity in political dialogue, we think there's huge potential for mobiles to enable that.
People use mobiles to protest against un-inclusive processes, and I think we're seeing a reverse trend.
We think that in a state like Libya where mobile penetration is above 100 percent, there is huge potential for it to enable inclusivity in the political process.
City Of Detroit stand still for Nigeria Diaspora ICT Conference (NiDICT) 2014
Over 300 delegates are expected at this year’s Nigeria Diaspora ICT Conference (NiDICT) holding in Detroit, United States, starting today.
A statement by Olusegun Ohimeh Oruame, NiDICT Coordinator, Nigeria, said the three-day technology conference, which brings together top ICT experts and entrepreneurs from Nigeria, Canada and the USA, is part of the global events designed to commemorate Nigeria’s centenary celebration from 1914. NiDICT is a private initiative with strong public sector support.
The NiDICT (www.nidict.org.) is holding with the support of the High Commission of Nigeria in Canada under the patronage of His Excellency, Chief Ojo Maduekwe (CFR); and the Nigeria Embassy in the United States of America, under His Excellency Professor Adebowale Ibidapo Adefuye - Chief Host for NiDICT 2014; the Consulate General of Nigeria, New York; under His Excellency Honorable Habib Baba Habu and Consulate General of Nigeria, Atlanta under His Excellency Ambassador Geoffrey Teneilabe.
The inaugural event with the theme ‘Engaging the Diaspora to Build a Sustainable Telecom Sector is also drawing support of host city Detroit under the auspices of the Office of the Mayor of Detroit, Mr. Mike Duggan and enjoys the support of the Detroit Black Chamber of Commerce. The three day event is slated to hold from June 25-27 at the Doubletree Suites, Hilton Hotel, Detroit.
“The Conference is designed as part of Nigeria’s Centenary Celebration to boost developmental/ fraternal business relationships in the areas of ICT amongst Nigerians in Canada, USA and Nigeria. More than 20 million Nigerians are in Diaspora and this community boasts of some of the brightest brains in the world contributing to the growth of their host nations. As Nigeria faces another 100 years ahead being the largest economy on the continent, NiDICT is designed to help harness these diverse skill sets and build a strategic force in the area of ICT for the development of our country: Nigeria,” said Akande Ojo, president of Pinnacle LLC and NiDICT Coordinator in the USA.
Apart from its profound diplomatic support, NiDICT is drawing high level participation from top decision makers in government and the private sector, entrepreneurs, professional associations, chambers of commerce, angel investors and fund drivers, and leading lights in ICT across the three countries to provide and share insight on business, technology and development. The event already has the confirmed participation of delegations from the National Information Technology Development Agency (NITDA) and Galaxy Backbone Limited.
Plenary themes and workshops within the conference include: Infrastructures – Mobile/Satellite Communications Telecommunications; Power/Energy; Regulations/Policies – Right Frameworks for Creating & Expanding Markets and Courting Investors; Human Capital Development –Frameworks for Developing and Harnessing Human Capital Development ; Knowledge/Skill Transfer ; IT Local Content – Building and Promoting Local Content: Viewpoints from Home and Abroad; Technology Transfer and Intellectual Property Rights –Challenges and Right Approaches: Perspectives from the Public and Private Sectors; Technology and the New Nigeria: Harnessing Data for National Identity and National Planning and Security and the Use of Technology: ICT and Security in Nigeria.
“This is a commendable gathering of stakeholders in Nigeria, USA and Canada interested in exploring opportunities, fostering trust and building partnerships in the ever growing ICT sector,” said of the High Commission of Nigeria in Canada under the patronage of His Excellency, Chief Ojo Maduekwe (CFR).
NiDICT offers a veritable platform to identify unique Need Areas for Investment, Collaborations and other Interventions in Nigeria’s economy and also offers an exchange point for ideas. It has the support of Nigeria USA Chamber of Commerce (NUSACC), the Michigan Black Chamber of Commerce and the African American Chamber of Commerce among others. In Nigeria it is partnering with the Association of Telecommunications Companies of Nigeria (ATCON), Nigeria Computer Society (NCS) and Information Technology Association of Nigeria (ITAN) among others. Its Nigeria’s coordinator is Knowhow Media International, publishers of IT Edge News.
Wednesday, 25 June 2014
Martin Luther King, Jr. | |
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King in 1964
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Born | Michael King, Jr. January 15, 1929 Atlanta, Georgia, U.S. |
Died | April 4, 1968 (aged 39) Memphis, Tennessee, U.S. |
Monuments | Martin Luther King, Jr. Memorial |
Alma mater | |
Occupation | Clergyman, activist |
Organization | Southern Christian Leadership Conference (SCLC) |
Movement | African-American Civil Rights Movement, Peace movement |
Religion | Christianity |
Denomination | Baptist (Progressive National Baptist Convention) |
Spouse(s) | Coretta Scott King (m. 1953–1968) |
Children |
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Parents | Martin Luther King, Sr. Alberta Williams King |
Awards | Nobel Peace Prize (1964), Presidential Medal of Freedom (1977, posthumous), Congressional Gold Medal (2004, posthumous) |
Signature |
He was born Michael King, but his father changed his name in honor of the German reformer Martin Luther. A Baptist minister, King became a civil rights activist early in his career. He led the 1955 Montgomery Bus Boycott and helped found the Southern Christian Leadership Conference (SCLC) in 1957, serving as its first president. With the SCLC, King led an unsuccessful struggle against segregation in Albany, Georgia, in 1962, and organized nonviolent protests in Birmingham, Alabama, that attracted national attention following television news coverage of the brutal police response. King also helped to organize the 1963 March on Washington, where he delivered his famous "I Have a Dream" speech. There, he established his reputation as one of the greatest orators in American history. J. Edgar Hoover considered him a radical and made him an object of the Federal Bureau of Investigation's COINTELPRO for the rest of his life.
On October 14, 1964, King received the Nobel Peace Prize for combating racial inequality through nonviolence. In 1965, he and the SCLC helped to organize the Selma to Montgomery marches and the following year, he took the movement north to Chicago to work on segregated housing. In the final years of his life, King expanded his focus to include poverty and the Vietnam War, alienating many of his liberal allies with a 1967 speech titled "Beyond Vietnam". In 1968 King was planning a national occupation of Washington, D.C., to be called the Poor People's Campaign, when he was assassinated on April 4 in Memphis, Tennessee. His death was followed by riots in many U.S. cities. Allegations that James Earl Ray, the man convicted of killing King, had been framed or acted in concert with government agents persisted for decades after the shooting. The jury of a 1999 civil trial found Loyd Jowers to be complicit in a conspiracy against King.
King was posthumously awarded the Presidential Medal of Freedom and the Congressional Gold Medal. Martin Luther King, Jr. Day was established as a holiday in numerous cities and states beginning in 1971, and as a U.S. federal holiday in 1986. Hundreds of streets in the U.S. have been renamed in his honor. In addition, a county was rededicated in his honor. A memorial statue on the National Mall was opened to the public in 2011.
Congress honors Martin Luther King Jr., wife with gold medal on Civil Rights Act anniversary
From left, House Minority Leader Nancy Pelosi of Calif., Senate Minority Leaders Mitch McConnell of Ky., Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid of Nev. and House Speaker John Boehner of Ohio hold hands as they sing, "We Shall Overcome," during a 50th anniversary of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 ceremony, Tuesday, June 24, 2014, in the Capitol Rotunda on Capitol Hill in Washington. A Congressional Gold Medal in honor of the Reverend Doctor and Mrs. Martin Luther King, Jr., who were instrumental in the law’s passage, was also presented. (AP Photo/Susan Walsh)By CONNOR RADNOVICH, Associated Press
WASHINGTON (AP) — Congressional leaders commemorated the 50th anniversary of the Civil Rights Act on Tuesday by posthumously bestowing the Congressional Gold Medal upon Martin Luther King Jr. and his wife, Coretta Scott King, for their efforts in passing the landmark legislation.
The Kings' children, Martin Luther King III, Dexter Scott King and Bernice A. King, accepted the honor in the Capitol Rotunda as several hundred looked on. The civil rights leader was assassinated in Memphis, Tennessee, in 1968. His wife died in 2006.
"The Civil Rights Act transformed our country," House Minority Leader Nancy Pelosi of California said. "It made America more American."
President Lyndon B. Johnson signed the Civil Rights Act into law on July 2, 1964. It helped end legal discrimination based on race, sex, color, religion and national origin, and many consider it the most significant law to come out of the civil rights movement.
Among those joining Pelosi in praising the Civil Rights Act and the people who made it happen were Senate Minority Leader Mitch McConnell of Kentucky, Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid of Nevada and House Speaker John Boehner of Ohio.
Throughout the lawmakers' remarks were calls for a return to the bipartisanship that made laws like the Civil Rights Act possible.
Remembering the civil rights activists who marched, protested and faced brutality and violence is vital, the lawmakers said. But they added that it was important to remember the lawmakers who made passage possible.
Boehner said the Civil Rights Act might be the "most fundamental, the most consequential legislation" in American history. McConnell said that Martin Luther King Jr. deserves as much credit as any lawmaker in getting the law passed.
"His role was not just to expose or to confront injustice, but to prepare the country to actually do something about it," McConnell said.
It was the second Congressional Gold Medal awarded to the Kings for their contributions to the civil rights movement. The previous medal was awarded in 2004.
Bernice King said in a statement that she and her brothers were deeply honored that their parents were recognized for their "tireless and sacrificial leadership to advance freedom and justice."
The King siblings have been locked in a legal dispute over the ownership of King's Bible and Nobel Peace Prize. The Martin Luther King Jr. Estate Inc., which is run by Martin Luther King III and Dexter Scott King, wants to sell the items, while Bernice is opposed to the sale. Their eldest sibling, Yolanda King, died in 2007.
The Congressional Gold Medal will be held in the newest Smithsonian museum, the National Museum of African American History and Culture, which is expected to open next year.
"The Smithsonian will ensure that as long as there is an America, the courage, the impact and the legacy of Martin Luther King Jr. and Coretta Scott King will be honored, preserved and remembered," said Lonnie Bunch, the founding director of the museum.
Zimbabwe backtracks on indigenisation as ZANU-PF succession battles heat up
Adrienne Klasa
After months of strong rhetoric, Zimbabwe appears to be softening its
stance on black ownership requirements for foreign-owned businesses
operating in the country. Statements by the country’s indigenisation
minister, finance minister and President Robert Mugabe himself over the
past week all claim that the administration will not be implementing
wholesale enforcement of its 51 percent indigenous ownership policy.
“We’re not taking 51 percent of anyone’s money,” Patrick Chinamasa,
the finance minister, announced at a press briefing in Harrare, the
capital, on 23 April. “There’s no one-size-fits-all.”
Confusion has reigned on the status of foreign-owned assets in Zimbabwe since parliament passed the indigenous ownership law in 2008. Zimbabwe has a history of expropriating white-owned farmland and factories in the name of black economic empowerment, with minimal effects on trickle down and negative impacts on the economy. Companies with assets valued at more than $500,000 were the law’s target, and some mining companies – including Impala Platinum Holdings Ltd. and Anglo Platinum Ltd. – have already complied.
“Statements suggesting that the government will soften its indigenisation policies are tantamount to an admission that the programme has been an unmitigated disaster for the national economy,” says Charles Laurie, head of Africa research at risk advisory Maplecroft.
Indeed, Zimbabwe is currently facing a financial and liquidity crisis that bears the hallmarks of the larger economic crisis that engulfed the country in 2008-2009, which has prompted the government to act to shore up investments.
“The main driver for talking about softening the indigenisation regulations is the failing economy,” Robert Besselin, principal Africa analyst at IHS Global Insight, explains. “Much of the investor inflow that Zimbabwe badly needs to stimulate its economy is being hampered by the indigenisation regulation, which is essentially scaring off foreign investors.”
The Zanu-PF ruling party have often used populist policies like indigenisation to shore up political support at the expense of the country’s economic interests. As recently as November 2013, long-time president Robert Mugabe’s government gave companies in protected sectors of the economy a 30-day ultimatum to relinquish their assets, or face arrest. Ratcheting up the pressure on indigenisation often corresponds with elections – which last took place in July 2013 – only to backtrack once the party’s political survival has been guaranteed.
And while the news that wholesale enforcement will not be happening immediately might allow businesses operating in Zimbabwe to breath a sigh of relief, there is no indication that the shift will be a permanent one.
“Investors should view pronouncements of investor-friendly policy shifts from Zanu-PF with deep scepticism, as the party could at any time forcefully re-engage the indigenisation framework,” Mr Laurie warns.
Zanu-PF is currently embroiled in an internal struggle over the party’s succession, pitting more radical nationalist factions within the party against moderates, as the era of 90-year-old President Mugabe’s leadership draws towards a close. How to approach indigenisation policy, as the flagship economic policy of the current administration, is a key battleground.
“This is really a political dialogue going on between key factions within the ruling Zanu-PF party and the political business elite in Zimbabwe,” says Mr Besselin. “Neither faction is on top at the moment, neither faction is emerging more powerful than the other.”
Despite once having a robust agricultural sector and a wealth of mining assets, Zimbabwe has been in an economic tailspin under the Mugabe administration. After years of hyperinflation, the country now faces a liquidity crisis – causing a 30 percent drop in consumer spending in February alone – as investors have fled. In response, the government adopted four more currencies as legal tender, bringing the total to nine – none of them its own.
For investors, this means that while this week’s statements are “indicative that there is likely to be some sort of smoothing off of these indigenisation regulations, nothing will be final until the political succession – in other words the post-Mugabe era – has commenced,” Mr Besselin continues.
As party elites seek to consolidate their assets from expropriation before the changing of the guard becomes a reality, long-term thinking on economic policy is not a priority.
“Mugabe’s advanced age points to a likely shift in power over the near future,” agrees Maplecroft’s Mr Laurie. However, with Zimbabwe’s political future in flux, “investors will need to balance enormous opportunities against the ruling party’s propensity to put its political interests ahead of economic stability.”
Confusion has reigned on the status of foreign-owned assets in Zimbabwe since parliament passed the indigenous ownership law in 2008. Zimbabwe has a history of expropriating white-owned farmland and factories in the name of black economic empowerment, with minimal effects on trickle down and negative impacts on the economy. Companies with assets valued at more than $500,000 were the law’s target, and some mining companies – including Impala Platinum Holdings Ltd. and Anglo Platinum Ltd. – have already complied.
“Statements suggesting that the government will soften its indigenisation policies are tantamount to an admission that the programme has been an unmitigated disaster for the national economy,” says Charles Laurie, head of Africa research at risk advisory Maplecroft.
Indeed, Zimbabwe is currently facing a financial and liquidity crisis that bears the hallmarks of the larger economic crisis that engulfed the country in 2008-2009, which has prompted the government to act to shore up investments.
“The main driver for talking about softening the indigenisation regulations is the failing economy,” Robert Besselin, principal Africa analyst at IHS Global Insight, explains. “Much of the investor inflow that Zimbabwe badly needs to stimulate its economy is being hampered by the indigenisation regulation, which is essentially scaring off foreign investors.”
The Zanu-PF ruling party have often used populist policies like indigenisation to shore up political support at the expense of the country’s economic interests. As recently as November 2013, long-time president Robert Mugabe’s government gave companies in protected sectors of the economy a 30-day ultimatum to relinquish their assets, or face arrest. Ratcheting up the pressure on indigenisation often corresponds with elections – which last took place in July 2013 – only to backtrack once the party’s political survival has been guaranteed.
And while the news that wholesale enforcement will not be happening immediately might allow businesses operating in Zimbabwe to breath a sigh of relief, there is no indication that the shift will be a permanent one.
“Investors should view pronouncements of investor-friendly policy shifts from Zanu-PF with deep scepticism, as the party could at any time forcefully re-engage the indigenisation framework,” Mr Laurie warns.
Zanu-PF is currently embroiled in an internal struggle over the party’s succession, pitting more radical nationalist factions within the party against moderates, as the era of 90-year-old President Mugabe’s leadership draws towards a close. How to approach indigenisation policy, as the flagship economic policy of the current administration, is a key battleground.
“This is really a political dialogue going on between key factions within the ruling Zanu-PF party and the political business elite in Zimbabwe,” says Mr Besselin. “Neither faction is on top at the moment, neither faction is emerging more powerful than the other.”
Despite once having a robust agricultural sector and a wealth of mining assets, Zimbabwe has been in an economic tailspin under the Mugabe administration. After years of hyperinflation, the country now faces a liquidity crisis – causing a 30 percent drop in consumer spending in February alone – as investors have fled. In response, the government adopted four more currencies as legal tender, bringing the total to nine – none of them its own.
For investors, this means that while this week’s statements are “indicative that there is likely to be some sort of smoothing off of these indigenisation regulations, nothing will be final until the political succession – in other words the post-Mugabe era – has commenced,” Mr Besselin continues.
As party elites seek to consolidate their assets from expropriation before the changing of the guard becomes a reality, long-term thinking on economic policy is not a priority.
“Mugabe’s advanced age points to a likely shift in power over the near future,” agrees Maplecroft’s Mr Laurie. However, with Zimbabwe’s political future in flux, “investors will need to balance enormous opportunities against the ruling party’s propensity to put its political interests ahead of economic stability.”
UN summit calls for ‘peace through business’ in Great Lakes region
UN and east African regional leaders joined together to call for
greater responsible private sector investment into the conflict-prone
areas of the Great Lakes region during a summit organized by the UN
Global Compact in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, on 10 June.
“The time to invest is not once total peace and stability have
returned. Targeted responsible investment contribute to peace and
stability,” says East African Community (EAC) Secretary General Richard
Sezibera.
Encouraging private sector involvement in post-conflict areas is a new approach to breaking the cycle of violence - an area traditionally reserved for humanitarian actors and aid agencies. Commercial interests in the Great Lakes’ vast natural wealth - particularly in valuable minerals including diamonds, copper and coltan - have long been understood to be one of the root causes of the region’s instability. According to some estimates, prior to the implementation of the US’s mining transparency reporting laws last year minerals such as tin, tantalum and tungsten - used in computers and mobile phones - generated $185m per year for DRC militant groups. The result has been more than three decades of nearly continuous unrest, particularly in the country’s east.
“Africa’s history is unfortunately replete with stories of societies torn apart by the activities of unruly and irresponsible private investors who often thrive in chaos and make it their business to maintain an environment of fear and lawlessness as part of their investment approach,” Ethiopian prime minister Hailemariam Desalegn claimed at the event.
“It is only by cultivating responsible investment and creating an environment that will encourage such investment that the tendency to thrive in environments that harm will end… and will turn resource curses into tremendous opportunities.”
The thinking behind the ‘business for peace’ paradigm is relatively straightforward: if cycles of violence are fuelled by scarcity and lack of economic opportunity, bringing in businesses and investors as early in the post-conflict transition period as possible will offer locals opportunities that will make militancy less attractive. Likewise, businesses can take advantage of growing demands for goods and services in newly stabilising markets. The approach appears is being championed by the UN, with support from regional leaders, in the aftermath of DRC’s most recent uprising by M23 militants - allegedly tied to the Rwandan government - in the conflict-prone eastern Kivu provinces. A peace agreement was brokered last year.
“Advancing regional economic integration through encouraging responsible investment has been one of my top priorities, and my interactions with heads of state in the region on these have been characterized with universal enthusiasm and sounds support,” says Mary Robinson, the UN’s special envoy to the Great Lakes responsible for overseeing the implementation of the peace framework.
“My message to you is to seize the opportunity and stay engaged,” she added, addressing the private sector representatives in the room. Companies at the conference included multinationals such as Coca Cola and Diageo, as well as SMEs and consultants from across the continent.
But while the idea of bringing opportunity through business to communities devastated by years of violence may be appealing in principle, the obstacles remain immense. The challenges for businesses attempting to operate in DRC echo the refrains of barriers to business across the continent: instability, lack of infrastructure, lack of regional integration, insufficient power supplies, difficulty accessing financing. DRC’s many years of conflict mean that these challenges are more extreme than most. Years of conflict mean that this country, which is larger than the European Union, only has some 2,000 kms of paved roads, for instance. The World Bank ranked the country 183rd out of 189 for ease of doing business in 2014.
Despite these challenges, regional leaders remain bullish on welcoming investors - albeit only of a certain type.
“If the right investors don’t come, then the wrong investors will come, and they will perpetuate the cycle of conflict and instability,” warns Mr Sezibara.
Whether or not the mechanisms to filter such responsible investors out from those who would perpetuate the Great Lakes’ history of conflict are yet in place remains to be seen.
Encouraging private sector involvement in post-conflict areas is a new approach to breaking the cycle of violence - an area traditionally reserved for humanitarian actors and aid agencies. Commercial interests in the Great Lakes’ vast natural wealth - particularly in valuable minerals including diamonds, copper and coltan - have long been understood to be one of the root causes of the region’s instability. According to some estimates, prior to the implementation of the US’s mining transparency reporting laws last year minerals such as tin, tantalum and tungsten - used in computers and mobile phones - generated $185m per year for DRC militant groups. The result has been more than three decades of nearly continuous unrest, particularly in the country’s east.
“Africa’s history is unfortunately replete with stories of societies torn apart by the activities of unruly and irresponsible private investors who often thrive in chaos and make it their business to maintain an environment of fear and lawlessness as part of their investment approach,” Ethiopian prime minister Hailemariam Desalegn claimed at the event.
“It is only by cultivating responsible investment and creating an environment that will encourage such investment that the tendency to thrive in environments that harm will end… and will turn resource curses into tremendous opportunities.”
The thinking behind the ‘business for peace’ paradigm is relatively straightforward: if cycles of violence are fuelled by scarcity and lack of economic opportunity, bringing in businesses and investors as early in the post-conflict transition period as possible will offer locals opportunities that will make militancy less attractive. Likewise, businesses can take advantage of growing demands for goods and services in newly stabilising markets. The approach appears is being championed by the UN, with support from regional leaders, in the aftermath of DRC’s most recent uprising by M23 militants - allegedly tied to the Rwandan government - in the conflict-prone eastern Kivu provinces. A peace agreement was brokered last year.
“Advancing regional economic integration through encouraging responsible investment has been one of my top priorities, and my interactions with heads of state in the region on these have been characterized with universal enthusiasm and sounds support,” says Mary Robinson, the UN’s special envoy to the Great Lakes responsible for overseeing the implementation of the peace framework.
“My message to you is to seize the opportunity and stay engaged,” she added, addressing the private sector representatives in the room. Companies at the conference included multinationals such as Coca Cola and Diageo, as well as SMEs and consultants from across the continent.
But while the idea of bringing opportunity through business to communities devastated by years of violence may be appealing in principle, the obstacles remain immense. The challenges for businesses attempting to operate in DRC echo the refrains of barriers to business across the continent: instability, lack of infrastructure, lack of regional integration, insufficient power supplies, difficulty accessing financing. DRC’s many years of conflict mean that these challenges are more extreme than most. Years of conflict mean that this country, which is larger than the European Union, only has some 2,000 kms of paved roads, for instance. The World Bank ranked the country 183rd out of 189 for ease of doing business in 2014.
Despite these challenges, regional leaders remain bullish on welcoming investors - albeit only of a certain type.
“If the right investors don’t come, then the wrong investors will come, and they will perpetuate the cycle of conflict and instability,” warns Mr Sezibara.
Whether or not the mechanisms to filter such responsible investors out from those who would perpetuate the Great Lakes’ history of conflict are yet in place remains to be seen.
Simandou deal marks breakthrough for world’s largest untapped iron ore deposit
Following eight years of wrangling, British-Australian miner Rio
Tinto has announced a $20bn deal to develop the Simandou iron ore
project.
The breakthrough after a series of investment disputes, delays in
reviewing the Mining Code and challenges over project-linked
infrastructure will provide a major new impetus in Guinea’s mining
sector.
The scale of the project is also breathtaking. Simandou involves exploiting what is thought to be the world’s biggest untapped deposit of iron ore and creating Africa’s largest integrated infrastructure project. When fully operational, its annual economic contributions could reach US$7.6 billion, thereby doubling Guinea’s current GDP.
Light at the end of the tunnel
The signing of the Simandou Investment Framework on 27 May 2014 formalises the contractual relations between the four stakeholders: Rio Tinto (46.6 percent), Chinese state-run aluminium company Chinalco (41.3 percent), Republic of Guinea (7.5 percent) and the International Finance Corporation (4.6 percent). The investment framework will now pass to Guinea’s National Assembly for ratification, which is expected to go ahead.
Within a year of ratification, project partners will complete a feasibility study to determine costs and timeframes over the mine’s 40-year lifespan. In view of the vast project-linked infrastructure required, initial exports will not begin before 2018. Peak output is expected around 2024, when Simandou could produce 95-100 million tonnes of iron ore annually.
Familiar cycle of political instability halts progress
Despite the obvious commercial incentives to develop Simandou, reaching this point has been fraught with difficulties. Rio was awarded the site’s four permits in 2006, but two years later was forced to relinquish two of these to the long-standing Lansana Conte government – over spurious claims that the development schedule had fallen behind.
A further blow to developing Simandou was dealt by the 2008 coup, which saw a military junta seize power and threaten the revocation of foreign mining licences. While democratic elections in 2010 marked a turning point, investor confidence was again eroded after the new government, led by Alpha Conde, unveiled a Mining Code in 2011 that involved the potential negotiation of licenses and higher taxes. Growing awareness of the need to attract investors led the government to amend the code in April 2013 – crucially with tax cuts.
New chapter for mining sector
The Simandou deal, a revised Mining Code and recent anti-corruption efforts suggest Guinea is finally coming of age as an investment destination. This is reassuring since companies will now need to cooperate closely with the government as minority partner on all projects.
The country itself may also at long last benefit from its tremendous mineral wealth. Fully operational, Simandou should boost state revenues by $1.2bn and create up to 45,000 direct/indirect jobs. The mining-reliant economy is projected to grow by 17.5 percent in 2018 when Simandou comes online.
With two-thirds of the $20bn-injection going to infrastructure, other stakeholders also stand to benefit, not least local businesses. Under the deal, project-linked infrastructure and mining operations will be financed separately, with an external group of investors to develop rail and port infrastructure and target multiple users.
Reaping the benefits is not assured
If managed effectively, the gains could be colossal for one of the world’s poorest countries. However, the dismal track record of mining development in Guinea suggests further challenges ahead for Simandou.
Of critical importance will be weakening global iron ore prices, which are currently languishing near a two-year low. However, one mitigating factor is Chinalco’s involvement in the project. China is expected to remain the world’s top consumer of iron ore as domestic sectors like energy and potash sectors take off, and is already Rio’s largest customer.
The risk of resource nationalism is another major consideration for investors, given ongoing lack of clarity in the Mining Code over government stakes in projects and onerous local content requirements. Another consideration are the significant environmental concerns surrounding the development of an open-pit mine – involving a rail line, 1,000km of roads and multiple construction camps – in the Upper Guinean forests, an internationally recognised region of biodiversity. Scrutiny from NGOs and the media is therefore likely to be high.
Yet, the challenges of Simandou making a lasting socio-economic impact could prove to be the most contentious aspect of the project. Reflecting the risk of mining revenues failing to filter down to local communities, Guinea is ranked seventh most at-risk globally in Maplecroft’s Corruption Risk Index 2014. Should this translate into social unrest over the unequal distribution of natural resource revenues there is a risk that further populist resource nationalist policies could be enacted to offset public dissatisfaction.
The project partners will need to address the same issues that have beset so many other African mining projects, including social unrest, environmental degradation, corruption, transfer pricing, opaque tax arrangements, lack of skills and weak infrastructure. Still in relative infancy and with input from the international donor community, however, Simandou may yet prove to be transformative not only for companies but for Guinean society.
Dr Sarah Tzinieris is principal Africa analyst at risk advisory company Maplecroft.
The scale of the project is also breathtaking. Simandou involves exploiting what is thought to be the world’s biggest untapped deposit of iron ore and creating Africa’s largest integrated infrastructure project. When fully operational, its annual economic contributions could reach US$7.6 billion, thereby doubling Guinea’s current GDP.
Light at the end of the tunnel
The signing of the Simandou Investment Framework on 27 May 2014 formalises the contractual relations between the four stakeholders: Rio Tinto (46.6 percent), Chinese state-run aluminium company Chinalco (41.3 percent), Republic of Guinea (7.5 percent) and the International Finance Corporation (4.6 percent). The investment framework will now pass to Guinea’s National Assembly for ratification, which is expected to go ahead.
Within a year of ratification, project partners will complete a feasibility study to determine costs and timeframes over the mine’s 40-year lifespan. In view of the vast project-linked infrastructure required, initial exports will not begin before 2018. Peak output is expected around 2024, when Simandou could produce 95-100 million tonnes of iron ore annually.
Familiar cycle of political instability halts progress
Despite the obvious commercial incentives to develop Simandou, reaching this point has been fraught with difficulties. Rio was awarded the site’s four permits in 2006, but two years later was forced to relinquish two of these to the long-standing Lansana Conte government – over spurious claims that the development schedule had fallen behind.
A further blow to developing Simandou was dealt by the 2008 coup, which saw a military junta seize power and threaten the revocation of foreign mining licences. While democratic elections in 2010 marked a turning point, investor confidence was again eroded after the new government, led by Alpha Conde, unveiled a Mining Code in 2011 that involved the potential negotiation of licenses and higher taxes. Growing awareness of the need to attract investors led the government to amend the code in April 2013 – crucially with tax cuts.
New chapter for mining sector
The Simandou deal, a revised Mining Code and recent anti-corruption efforts suggest Guinea is finally coming of age as an investment destination. This is reassuring since companies will now need to cooperate closely with the government as minority partner on all projects.
The country itself may also at long last benefit from its tremendous mineral wealth. Fully operational, Simandou should boost state revenues by $1.2bn and create up to 45,000 direct/indirect jobs. The mining-reliant economy is projected to grow by 17.5 percent in 2018 when Simandou comes online.
With two-thirds of the $20bn-injection going to infrastructure, other stakeholders also stand to benefit, not least local businesses. Under the deal, project-linked infrastructure and mining operations will be financed separately, with an external group of investors to develop rail and port infrastructure and target multiple users.
Reaping the benefits is not assured
If managed effectively, the gains could be colossal for one of the world’s poorest countries. However, the dismal track record of mining development in Guinea suggests further challenges ahead for Simandou.
Of critical importance will be weakening global iron ore prices, which are currently languishing near a two-year low. However, one mitigating factor is Chinalco’s involvement in the project. China is expected to remain the world’s top consumer of iron ore as domestic sectors like energy and potash sectors take off, and is already Rio’s largest customer.
The risk of resource nationalism is another major consideration for investors, given ongoing lack of clarity in the Mining Code over government stakes in projects and onerous local content requirements. Another consideration are the significant environmental concerns surrounding the development of an open-pit mine – involving a rail line, 1,000km of roads and multiple construction camps – in the Upper Guinean forests, an internationally recognised region of biodiversity. Scrutiny from NGOs and the media is therefore likely to be high.
Yet, the challenges of Simandou making a lasting socio-economic impact could prove to be the most contentious aspect of the project. Reflecting the risk of mining revenues failing to filter down to local communities, Guinea is ranked seventh most at-risk globally in Maplecroft’s Corruption Risk Index 2014. Should this translate into social unrest over the unequal distribution of natural resource revenues there is a risk that further populist resource nationalist policies could be enacted to offset public dissatisfaction.
The project partners will need to address the same issues that have beset so many other African mining projects, including social unrest, environmental degradation, corruption, transfer pricing, opaque tax arrangements, lack of skills and weak infrastructure. Still in relative infancy and with input from the international donor community, however, Simandou may yet prove to be transformative not only for companies but for Guinean society.
Dr Sarah Tzinieris is principal Africa analyst at risk advisory company Maplecroft.
Yes I Am Dating K'naan - Lupita Nyong'o (PHOTOS)
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Somali Rapper K'naan |
Oscar Award Winner Lupita Nyong'o |
Beautiful Lupita With Handsome Boyfriend, K'naan |
Bamboo
farming has turned into one of the most lucrative businesses Kenyans
can engage in according Boniface Soli a 55 year man who has worked at
the Kenya Forestry Research Institute (Kefri) in Muguga located along
the Nakuru-Naivasha highway.
Mr. Soli who at the moment specializes in the farming says that a single
bamboo harvest can fetch million of shillings. "One stick is sold at
Sh.40 and at times we get orders of up to 200,000 pieces. This sale
brings a clean Shs.8 million", Soli adds that bamboo seedlings cost
Sh200 and are in high demand.
They are planted in greenhouses, and in less than six months, they are
cut as bamboo sticks for sale. Bamboo has numerous uses among them paper
used in printer,making floors, furniture and a fences.
It is used in construction, makes charcoal, pulp, boards, cloth,
furniture, food, fuel, medicine, utensils, matchsticks, toothpicks and
crafts. Surely it is a lucrative business venture and Kenyans especially the youth need to embrace it.
- See more at: http://www.africanewsposts.com/2014/06/kenyans-leaping-millions-from-bamboo.html#sthash.ASJDK7Zc.dpufA Farmer waters his Bamboo Seedlings. |
Mr. Soli who at the moment specializes in the farming says that a single
bamboo harvest can fetch million of shillings. "One stick is sold at
Sh.40 and at times we get orders of up to 200,000 pieces. This sale
brings a clean Shs.8 million", Soli adds that bamboo seedlings cost
Sh200 and are in high demand.
They are planted in greenhouses, and in less than six months, they are
cut as bamboo sticks for sale. Bamboo has numerous uses among them paper
used in printer,making floors, furniture and a fences.
It is used in construction, makes charcoal, pulp, boards, cloth,
furniture, food, fuel, medicine, utensils, matchsticks, toothpicks and
crafts. Surely it is a lucrative business venture and Kenyans especially the youth need to embrace it.
- See more at: http://www.africanewsposts.com/2014/06/kenyans-leaping-millions-from-bamboo.html#sthash.ASJDK7Zc.dpufA Farmer waters his Bamboo Seedlings. |
Mr. Soli who at the moment specializes in the farming says that a single
bamboo harvest can fetch million of shillings. "One stick is sold at
Sh.40 and at times we get orders of up to 200,000 pieces. This sale
brings a clean Shs.8 million", Soli adds that bamboo seedlings cost
Sh200 and are in high demand.
They are planted in greenhouses, and in less than six months, they are
cut as bamboo sticks for sale. Bamboo has numerous uses among them paper
used in printer,making floors, furniture and a fences.
It is used in construction, makes charcoal, pulp, boards, cloth,
furniture, food, fuel, medicine, utensils, matchsticks, toothpicks and
crafts. Surely it is a lucrative business venture and Kenyans especially the youth need to embrace it.
- See more at: http://www.africanewsposts.com/2014/06/kenyans-leaping-millions-from-bamboo.html#sthash.ASJDK7Zc.dpufA Farmer waters his Bamboo Seedlings. |
Mr. Soli who at the moment specializes in the farming says that a single
bamboo harvest can fetch million of shillings. "One stick is sold at
Sh.40 and at times we get orders of up to 200,000 pieces. This sale
brings a clean Shs.8 million", Soli adds that bamboo seedlings cost
Sh200 and are in high demand.
They are planted in greenhouses, and in less than six months, they are
cut as bamboo sticks for sale. Bamboo has numerous uses among them paper
used in printer,making floors, furniture and a fences.
It is used in construction, makes charcoal, pulp, boards, cloth,
furniture, food, fuel, medicine, utensils, matchsticks, toothpicks and
crafts. Surely it is a lucrative business venture and Kenyans especially the youth need to embrace it.
- See more at: http://www.africanewsposts.com/2014/06/kenyans-leaping-millions-from-bamboo.html#sthash.ASJDK7Zc.dpufA Farmer waters his Bamboo Seedlings. |
Mr. Soli who at the moment specializes in the farming says that a single
bamboo harvest can fetch million of shillings. "One stick is sold at
Sh.40 and at times we get orders of up to 200,000 pieces. This sale
brings a clean Shs.8 million", Soli adds that bamboo seedlings cost
Sh200 and are in high demand.
They are planted in greenhouses, and in less than six months, they are
cut as bamboo sticks for sale. Bamboo has numerous uses among them paper
used in printer,making floors, furniture and a fences.
It is used in construction, makes charcoal, pulp, boards, cloth,
furniture, food, fuel, medicine, utensils, matchsticks, toothpicks and
crafts. Surely it is a lucrative business venture and Kenyans especially the youth need to embrace it.
- See more at: http://www.africanewsposts.com/2014/06/kenyans-leaping-millions-from-bamboo.html#sthash.ASJDK7Zc.dpufUNV RELEASES 2013 ANNUAL REPORT
We are excited to announce the release of our UNV Annual Report 2013: Volunteering for the World We Want.
UNV engages and partners with stakeholders, including UN Member States, the UN system and volunteer-involving organizations, to achieve globally-agreed goals related to peace and development. UN #Volunteers facilitate effective and inclusive engagement with civil society and community groups, transfer skills and experience across countries of the South and enable the grassroots mobilization of yet more volunteers.
We are #volunteering for the world we want.
The UNV Annual Report: Volunteering for the World We Want captures the essence of the contributions of UN Volunteers, UNV staff and partners to advancing peace and development in 2013.
Read the entire report at http://issuu.com/unvolunteers/docs/unv-ra2013-web
The UNV Annual Report: Volunteering for the World We Want captures the essence of the contributions of UN Volunteers, UNV staff and partners to advancing peace and development in 2013.
Read the entire report at http://issuu.com/unvolunteers/docs/unv-ra2013-web
Sudan death row case: US works for Meriam Ibrahim exit
The US says it is working
with Sudan to ensure a woman freed from death row can leave the
country, after she was detained at Khartoum airport.
Meriam Ibrahim's lawyer says she and her husband are being
questioned over their travel documents. It is thought they were trying
to fly to the US.She was sentenced in May to hang for renouncing Islam - sparking an outcry - but was released from jail on Monday.
Mrs Ibrahim's husband is a Christian from South Sudan and is a US citizen.
Security agents detained Mrs Ibrahim, husband Daniel Wani and two children at the airport on Tuesday, her lawyer, Thabit Suliman, said.
"The security authorities have not stated why she was apprehended and they are still being held in a security building at the airport," the lawyer added.
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Earlier, a top Sudanese official told the BBC that although Mrs Ibrahim is Sudanese, she was using emergency South Sudanese papers with a US visa.
She would be asked to get a passport and exit visa on her release, Abdullahi Alzareg from the ministry of foreign affairs said.
Analysis: James Copnall, former BBC Sudan correspondent
The National Intelligence and Security Service (NISS) is an extremely powerful body, which frequently intervenes in Sudanese politics.
It is a key part of the informal coalition - also comprising the military, Islamists and pragmatists - which rules Sudan.
The different components are constantly jockeying for a better position.
In recent times, NISS has been flexing its muscles.
It is very possible that NISS did not like the decision to release Meriam Ibrahim, and re-arresting her and her family was a way of making this point to the rest of the Sudanese government.
However, security is not a homogenous entity either.
It is also conceivable that one part of NISS accepted Mrs Ibrahim's release, while another section was not happy with it.
Mrs Ibrahim's release and re-arrest simply underline the fact that there are many decision-makers in Sudanese politics, and they do not always agree with each other.
Mrs Ibrahim was released from prison on Monday after an appeal court annulled the death sentence imposed on her.
She was initially arrested in February, and gave birth to a daughter in prison not long after being sentenced.
Before she was detained on Tuesday, Western countries had welcomed the decision to rescind the death penalty.
Born to a Muslim father, Mrs Ibrahim, 27, married Mr Wani in 2011.
Sudan has a majority Muslim population, and Islamic law has been in force there since the 1980s.
Even though Mrs Ibrahim was brought up as an Orthodox Christian, the authorities considered her to be a Muslim because that is the religion of her father.
Tuesday, 24 June 2014
Africa’s growth to accelerate, but structural change sluggish
Though African growth is projected to accelerate through 2014, the region’s ‘rise’ might hit a ceiling if service delivery, tax mobilisation and integration into global value chains does not improve, according to the 2014 African Economic Outlook Report.
The annual report, launched 19 May in Kigali, Rwanda, by the Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD), projects that sub-Saharan Africa will grow at 4 percent through 2014, rising further to 5-6 percent in 2015. This compares favourably to global averages, which the IMF estimate to be at around 3.7 percent rising to 3.9 percent in 2015.
“It is obviously a rate of growth bigger than in North Atlantic countries, [but] if you compare with other macro-regions in the world of developing countries one should take into account that it is higher than in Latin America, where it is below 3 percent, but lower than in Southeast Asia where it is around 5.4,” Mario Pezzini, director of the OECD Development Centre, tells This Is Africa.
North Africa will exhibit the least growth at 1.9 percent, reflecting “the long wave of the Arab Spring” revolutions which have toppled several governments in the region since 2010, according to Mr Pezzini. East and west Africa are expected to grow fastest, despite tenuous security situations in respective regional power players Kenya and Nigeria.
However, diversification of economies away from dependence on non-renewable natural resources for growth remains a slow process. While Africa’s share of value-added intermediate products has increased in relative terms over the past two decades – from 1.4 percent of global trade to 2.2 percent – these numbers are still very low.
“The next step should be being much more present in manufacturing production, in structural transformation, in intermediate goods production, and therefore acquiring more weight in the global value chain,” Mr Pezzini explains.
Africa’s overall lack of infrastructure development continues to be a major obstacle – contributing not only to low levels of productivity for enterprises based in Africa making them difficult to incorporate into global value chains. If left unaddressed, this could have a serious dampening effect on Africa’s growth story.
“At a certain point, productivity can reach a roof exactly because what is lacking is not within the firm but outside [of it]. If the public goods are not there, this will be a strong roof for further development,” warns Mr. Pezzini.
The failure of governments to deliver on the public goods needed for businesses to flourish not only hinders production, but squanders one of the region’s natural comparative advantages. “[Africa] is closer to Europe, and it is close also to the US, than many Asian countries,” Mr Pezzini points out. “But in order to exploit the advantages of proximity, you need to time production and delivery and, therefore, you need better infrastructure for better logistics.”
The continent’s ongoing dearth of structural upgrades is reflected by the fact that, while tax revenue remains one of the most important factors in development for African countries, tax mobilisation remains very low across the board. Indeed, according to the report, tax revenue and external financial flows (such as remittances) will soon be eclipsed by foreign direct and portfolio investments. While in OECD countries tax revenues make up an average of 35-37 percent of fiscal revenues, in many African countries it remains less than 15 percent.
Nigeria’s recent rebasing exercise revealed that, while the country’s economy has grown exponentially to overtake South Africa’s as the largest in the region, tax mobilisation is at 5 percent of revenue. “That is about one of the weakest revenue mobilisation ratios anywhere,” says Razia Khan, Africa economist at Standard Chartered.
The consequences of the failure of African governments to capture tax revenue should not be underestimated. Lack of ability to provide public goods not only presents a looming cap on economic growth, but also a threat to social cohesion. As incomes rise, so do expectations. Yet the vulnerability of many Africans who have recently been lifted out of poverty can easily lead to frustration as governments fail to create safety nets that consolidate these gains.
“We actually see in an indicator that we produce every year that violent conflicts are on a downward curve, but on the other hand – and this is not necessarily a bad sign – protests are increasing,” Mr Pezzini explains.
“In other terms, either we address the issues of social cohesion, or there will be another limit to growth that will come from social dissatisfaction.”
The Myth of de-industrialisation in sub-Saharan Africa.
By Margaret McMillanThe vast majority of experts agrees that a vibrant manufacturing sector can be a source of sustained productivity and growth.
There is even evidence that a healthy manufacturing sector can help to bridge the gap in income levels between rich and poor countries. But the historical importance of manufacturing in economic growth has led some observers to be sceptical about the sustainability of Africa’s recent and rapid ‘boom’. Rather than industrialising, many believe that the manufacturing sector in Africa has contracted and that the continent is actually de-industrialising. Yet a careful scrutiny of the recent facts indicates this is not so.
It is easy to understand the confusion. First, there is precedent for such a trend. There was a period of de-industrialisation in Africa that coincided with the privatisation of large state owned factories. This began in the early 80s and did not fully play out until the mid to late 90s. The average growth rate for the continent during this period was negative and, in some cases, there was actually urban to rural migration. New evidence suggests that these days are over.
Second, a lot of manufacturing employment takes place in the informal sector. Consider the case of Kenya where – according to the Kenya National Bureau of Statistics (KNBS) – only 12 percent of the labour force is employed in the formal sector. Between 1990 and 2007, formal sector employment in manufacturing barely budged and its share of total employment fell from 2 to 1.6 percent. Based on these statistics, one might conclude that Kenya was experiencing de-industrialisation. But over this same period, manufacturing employment in the informal sector increased from a little over 300,000 to almost 1.6 million. Taken together, the share of employment in manufacturing actually grew from 5.5 percent to 11.5 percent. Kenya is not unique: the most recent statistics from Nigeria indicate that half of the 11 percent of the population engaged in manufacturing works in the informal sector.
Productivity is higher in formal than informal manufacturing. But an overemphasis on this gap misses some important points. One of the reasons that much of modern day manufacturing is so productive is because it demands high capital intensity. In many African economies, where jobs are sorely needed, capital intensive manufacturing might produce growth, but arguably it will not solve the more pressing employment problem. Furthermore, productivity in informal manufacturing is still significantly higher than productivity in subsistence agriculture. What ultimately matters is productivity growth, and we simply do not have the information to judge whether or not it is growing in informal manufacturing because, so far, nobody has been able to measure value added in the formal and informal sectors separately.
A third reason for the confusion around belief that ‘Africa’ is de-industrialising is the tendency of researchers to lump all of Sub-Saharan Africa (SSA) together. This is a problem because Mauritius and South Africa are clearly outliers. The share of employment in manufacturing in Mauritius fell from 32 percent in 1990 to 19 percent in 2010, but this decline has been matched by an increase in employment in much higher productivity services. South Africa, meanwhile, which has been far more industrialised than the rest of SSA, faces unique challenges stemming from the legacy of apartheid. By contrast, in the rest of the sub-Saharan region - sometimes referred to as developing Africa - the share of employment in manufacturing increased by a little over 2 percentage points between 2000 and 2010.
Alongside the employment numbers, there are other signs that the manufacturing sector in developing Africa is starting to flourish. Between 2000 and 2010, the share of manufacturing exports in goods and services more than doubled from 10 percent to 23 percent; and if we exclude a handful of oil exporters, that share rises to 32 percent. These numbers are not driven by a just a few countries, but based on a group of 34 countries in developing Africa. They are also not driven by one or two products. The range of manufactured exports varies from labour intensive activities, like textile and shoe manufacturing, to capital intensive activities, like petroleum refining. Finally, the period 2000-2010 does not appear to be an anomaly; there are good reasons to believe that this upward trend will continue. Chinese investment in African manufacturing has increased sharply in recent years. In 2010, it totalled $4.7bn compared with $5.7bn in mining. And more recent evidence indicates that the pace and magnitude of this investment has increased further since 2010.
The challenge now is figuring out how to ensure that these investments lead to job creation. Given the high degree of informality in manufacturing, it will be important to try to link businesses in the informal sector to those in the formal sector. Such linkages have the potential to raise productivity and wages in the informal sector while at the same time lowering the costs of formal firms by making them less reliant on imported inputs. It was just these kinds of linkages that led to the success of thousands of small firms in China.
Margaret McMillan is a Professor of Economics at Tufts University, a Senior Research Fellow at IFPRI and a Research Associate at the National Bureau of Economic Research.
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